The Muharrem İnce phenomenon

In the space of one week, Muharrem İnce has appeared on live broadcasts of two pro-regime TV stations and fielded questions. First he was on CNN Türk on 24 May, and then the evening before last on Habertürk TV. The ruling party’s political agenda pertaining to Muharrem İnce was rolled out in front of him in the form of “journalists’ questions.” The interviewers on CNN Türk ended as they started: they hardly verged at all from the ruling party agenda and closed the programme without making any original and substantive contribution informed by their journalistic past. They may, if anything, have acted a little as the ruling party’s scribes. Muharrem İnce continued to bring delight with a political “talk show” flavour to the electorate. The true “anchor” was Muharrem İnce. The opinion that his performance was superb is shared by all.

On the Habertürk TV programme, too, the three interviewers proceeded to mount the ruling party’s precision assault against Muharrem İnce. İnce not only responded masterfully to them all, but was in charge of the programme from start to finish and he did not allow the questioners to lead him.

As opposed to the programme on CNN Türk, a most interesting and off-script event took place the evening before last on Habertürk TV. I do not know if the interviewers were aware of the situation they had been placed in by İnce, but the impression created was as if İnce had won the election and his first business was to appear on a live broadcast at the Habertürk TV studios and the three people facing him were trying to find out from him about his first policy moves.

For example, “Are you going to remove Hakan Fidan from his post?”

“Where are you going to make the fourth bridge?”

“Have the profiles and names of ministers been settled on?”

In fact, programme mediator Didem Aslan let down her guard at one point. With İnce saying, “We will pacify and unify Turkey,” Aslan inquired, “How will this unification take place, Mr President?”

Didem Aslan addressed Muharrem İnce as president.

The Muharrem İnce experience, which started one week ago on CNN Türk, caused a psychological breakthrough the evening before last on Habertürk TV.

In summary, President Erdoğan staged a game by opening the screens under his direction to Muharrem İnce, but fell victim to his own game, making a huge error in underestimating İnce.

That game, identified by many observers, was as follows: President Erdoğan wanted to create the impression that the election was being contested between him and the “CHP’s İnce” whom he saw as an easy rival, and, to this end, imposed a media embargo on the Good Party’s General Chair and presidential candidate Meral Akşener. The calculation was that he would erase Akşener from memories and all conservatives and nationalists would support him in the election against the “CHP’s İnce,” seemingly the only alternative.

Rising to the challenge, İnce put this media opportunity that had been extended to him to the most productive use: He removed his CHP badge, said everywhere, “I will be the president of the 81 million,” and gained considerable ground with his manner that is close to the people and conservative values, non-elitist, natural, sincere and witty, with demolishing effect on all the prejudices of right-wing circles.

He uses his resumé to convince the electorate that he is capable of surmounting two disasters that the AKP’s sixteen-year rule have wrought on the country. The first disaster is the situation in education and İnce is a physics teacher. He promises good and quality education for children and a happy future that can only be achieved through education.

The second disaster is the collapse of agriculture and husbandry. İnce speaks of his village roots and his knowledge of husbandry.

He brings live crowds together and electrifies them with positive energy as he interacts with them. He is a good campaigner. He is a superior orator to Erdoğan. He rarely errs when improvising and speaking off the cuff.

It must be thanks to all these attributes that the polls show İnce garnering far more votes than his party, the CHP.

What is more, İnce is also on the verge of demolishing an urban legend that can be summed up as, “Whoever engages in polemics with Erdoğan loses.” The past days have seen İnce starting to devote at least one-quarter of his speeches to Erdoğan. He keeps up his polemics without getting angry or harsh and forces Erdoğan to reply to him about the diploma issue and his relations with Fetullah Gülen. İnce is the one doing the polemicizing and it is Erdoğan who is on the defensive. Not all polemics create polarisation. Polemics that do not substitute for the main planks of electoral campaigning, are pursued with a witty, soft style and come in a measured and planned dose wrongfoot, call further into doubt and secure an advantage over a jaded, tired rival who has nothing left to say and whose success has become questionable following long years.

 Muharrem İnce fenomeni